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Essential
Architecture- London
Nineteenth Century London |
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"The Flying Scotsman", platform 10, King's Cross Station |
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Oxford Street |
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Regent Street |
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In the nineteenth century the air around London was heavily polluted by
industrial smoke and factory pollution. The smog made the city a very
dark and unhealthy place to live. |
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Population
By 1800 London had already become the largest single
city in the world, but by mid-century it had doubled again to reach
2,362,000 souls. And the souls it did contain were from an increasingly
wide world. Lascar and Chinese communities sprang up among the docks,
while the Irish population grew to number hundreds of thousands. In 1841
less than two thirds of the capital's inhabitants had been born there.
Jews, Blacks, Chinese, Indians, Poles, Frenchmen and Italians were
common figures on the streets of London. Some national groups
monopolised aspects of the capital's life, like Italian organ grinders
and Jewish used clothes merchants.
The Built Environment
During the first half of the nineteenth century the
attenuated fingers of urban sprawl that had grown during the eighteenth
century first swelled into fat rivers of development, and then solid
acres of suburban building. Although many small areas of market
gardening and pasturage for cows continued interspersed amidst London's
dark brick form, these relics of the past were under constant pressure.
The new suburbs and shopping centres were also more fully differentiated
than ever before. To the East, St Katherine's Dock, the East and West
India Docks, the New Docks at Wapping and the Commercial Docks at
Rotherhithe, these factories of international commerce, carved out and
disciplined the land adjacent to the Thames. They created, in the
process, a series of new communities to house the tens of thousands of
people, both dockers and sailors, needed to make them work.
South of the river, new bridges brought whole new populations to
the open fields of Surrey; while in the north, the once green pastures
between the City and Islington were turned into new built homes for the
growing middle classes. In the West End Regent's Park and Trafalgar
Square were carved out of two of the few open spaces to remain, while
John Nash's cold imagination created ever-lengthening façades of
arrogant stucco. In between these developments, next to the Docks,
between the Old City and its newly populous suburbs, south of the River
in damp corners ignored by aspirational developers, London also created
some of the worst slums ever known. In St Giles and Seven Dials, on
Jacobs Island and in the Rookeries, vast numbers of the poor were left
to live and die.
In the mean time the infrastructure of this uncontrolled behemoth
creaked under the strain. Even as street lighting and macadam reached in
to many of the less pleasant corners of the city, arrangements for the
disposal of the detritus of urban life became more difficult. The air
became ever more polluted with the smuts and dank stinks of a coal fired
world. London's famous fogs are mentioned in the Proceedings twice as
often in the 34 years after 1800 as they are in the preceding 126 years.
Other types of pollution became equally overwhelming. The sewers and
nightsoil men grew increasingly inadequate to the task of removing the
tons of human faeces produced each day. Even the bodies of the dead
became a constant problem for Londoners. Their churchyards filled to
overflowing, beyond the point where liberal doses of quicklime could
speed the process of decay.
Social and Occupational Structure
If the eighteenth century had started the process of
creating ever more solid social and geographical boundaries between
classes, the early nineteenth century completed the job. In the eyes of
the rich, the poor became an entirely different race, linked by a few
miles or even a few yards of river front, but separated by a cultural
chasm as deep as Hell. When Dickens wrote Oliver Twist, when in the
1820s the West End thrilled to the adventures of Tom and Jerry at
"All-Max", the world exposed in literature was unknown to most upper
class Londoners. Similarly, the gradations between the rich and poor
became ever more subtle, with an ever growing band of respectable poor,
of labour aristocrats, and complacent middle classes to claim each rung
on this slippery ladder. Looking back over a long life from the vantage
point of the 1830s, Francis Place was amazed by the transformation of
manners among London's working population. The middling sort and
artisanal classes had redefined themselves, while the very poor had been
carefully squirreled out of sight.
As the world's greatest manufacturing centre, as its greatest
port and financial centre, London was at the pinnacle of its importance
in the decades of the first half of the nineteenth century. What drew
immigrants to London was the possibility of employment, and what they
found was a world of work more specialised and diverse than anywhere
else in the world. In 1841 there were 168,701 domestic servants and
13,103 private messengers and errand boys. There were furniture makers
and manufacturers, food processors and traders. In the West End, luxury
trades and the wealthy predominated, while in the East, the
manufacturers and warehousemen set up shop. In between, in the City
within the walls trading and warehousing was gradually paralleled by
more and more financial services. And while the population of the City
remained stagnant, its function as a clearinghouse of capitalism grew
ever more prominent.
Culture and Politics
Early nineteenth-century London was as much a city of
science and art, theatre and literature as it was a commercial and
manufacturing centre. It was of course, Dickens's city, but it also
found spaces for the theatrical science of Michael Faraday and the
performances of Edmund Kean. If Turner is remembered for his saccharine
rural scenes, his training was in London, and some of his most powerful
images took the city as its subject. The decorative arts, in furniture
and china, embroidery and fashion also reached a high point in Regency
London.
But, if people flocked to its shores, if art and trade, money and
merchandise flowed in ever-greater quantities through this urban
phenomenon, the politics of the city remained squalid and absurd. The
Old City had turned its back on the teeming masses outside its walls,
and left the political ordering of these millions of souls to a
patchwork of parishes and county boards. The confusion and
contradictions in London politics continued throughout the first half of
the century. It was only with the crisis caused by cholera and death, by
the overcrowding London churchyards, and the failure of infrastructure
towards the middle of the century, that steps were taken to create some
kind of order out of this chaos.
At the same time, the political demands of London's working
people became ever clearer. During the 1790s a powerful political
infrastructure had been created in debating and corresponding societies.
This laid the foundations for later radicalism. By the 1820s, after the
popular upheaval associated with the Queen Caroline Affair, and driven
by economic dislocation, working and middle class Londoners became
increasingly politicised. In agitation for parliamentary reform, and
pre-eminently in Chartism, Londoners sought change, and achieved some of
it.
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